All articles

Polish history is shaped today by remembering the failed attempts in regaining independence. This leaves less and less space to tell different, more nuanced stories. This explains why Poland has an ambivalent memory of the First World War. In 1914, it was part of different empires. The end of the war was also the return of its independence. Strengthening alternative narratives may be crucial in opening Poland to stories linking its inhabitants to wider, European history.

‘History never repeats itself. Man always does’ This well-known adage of Voltaire seems more relevant than ever. As the British nation seeks to ‘commemorate’ the centenary of the start of the First World War, it is important to be very aware of and where necessary critical of the methods and use of language by which our leaders are attempting to portray this crucial event.

In the run-up to the 2014 European elections, all citizens of Europe had the opportunity to select the two leading candidates for the European Green Party. The winners of this ‘Green Primary’ were Ska Keller and José Bové, both Members of the European Parliament. What links do they see between Europe’s history and its politics?

Our understanding of our great history is compiled not only through our reading but also through the recounting of family stories. The commemoration of 1914 offers us the opportunity to reflect on the war, on the possibility for forgiveness, and on our responsibilities in the present.

There are parallels between the Europe of 1914 and that of 2014. Today’s divisions are the result of economic inequality and a crisis of democracy. The answer lies in social policy and in an anti-nationalist repolitisation of Europe.

In Portugal, emigration worsens the problems caused by austerity. A recent study documents its dramatic consequences on the demography of the country. As a result of the current trend, the Portuguese population, currently estimated at 10.4 million people, could decrease to 7 million by 2061.

Discussions among proponents of green growth and those of degrowth often fall within the category of debates that are not fruitful. But it is possible to give structure to it and to try to develop a better understanding of the link between growth, globalisation, new technologies and well-being.

We should not forget what exactly provoked the mass protests that eventually led to the fall of the old regime in Kiev: it was the then President Yanukovych’s sudden decision not to sign the Association Agreement with the EU. Ten years after the ‘Orange revolution’, the dramatic change of events in February 2014 have given Ukraine and Europe a second chance.

Despite some positive signs, the European economy remains extraordinarily weak. To escape deflation and solve problems like unemployment, what is needed is a whole new approach to getting money into the economy.

The 2007 financial crisis evidenced the weaknesses of the Eurozone. Since then, European policymakers have tried to save the euro and the European financial market. As consequence of the economic and political instability of the last years the European Central Bank has de facto gained more power vis-à-vis the other European Institutions and political actors. Today the ECB is fundamental for determining Member States’ economic policies in all areas, not only monetary policy.